Transaction Search Form: please type in any of the fields below.
Date: April 30, 2024 Tue
Time: 3:12 am
Time: 3:12 am
Results for concealed carry
7 results foundAuthor: Violence Policy Center Title: Cash and Carry: How Concealed Carry Laws Drive Gun Industry Profits Summary: In the wake of the July 13, 2013 jury verdict finding George Zimmerman not guilty in the shooting death of Trayvon Martin, much of the focus has been on Florida's 2005 "Stand Your Ground" law. Regardless of the law's effect in Florida and other states that have adopted it, the stark reality is that it is Florida's lax concealed weapons law that allowed George Zimmerman to carry a black seven-shot Kel-Tec PF-9 9mm pistol in public and shoot Trayvon Martin. If Florida did not have this dangerous National Rifle Association-promoted law, Trayvon Martin would be alive today. Details: Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center,2013. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 11, 2014 at: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cashandcarry.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.vpc.org/studies/cashandcarry.pdf Shelf Number: 131852 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed WeaponsGun PermitsGun PolicyGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceStand Your Ground Law |
Author: Depew, Briggs Title: The Decision to Carry: The Effect of Crime on Concealed-Carry Applications Summary: Despite contentious debate on the role of concealed-carry legislation in the U.S., little is known about individual decisions to legally carry concealed handguns in public. Using data on concealed-carry permit applications from 1998 to 2012, we explore the degree to which individuals respond to crime by applying for permits to legally carry concealed firearms. We find that recent homicide incidents increase concealed-carry applications in areas relatively near to the event. Our main results suggest that an additional homicide in relatively small cities increases applications by 26 percent over the following two months. We also find effects in larger cities when using neighborhood-level data.Our data allow us to explore specific circumstances of crime incidents and the characteristics of responsive applicants. Our results show that gun-related homicides are particularly relevant and that whites and males are most responsive to homicide incidents. We also find evidence that individuals are more responsive to homicide incidents when they share a common characteristic with the victim, particularly for female applicants. Details: Bonn: Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2016. 60p. Source: Internet Resource: IZA Discussion Paper No. 10236: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2846327 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2846327 Shelf Number: 147822 Keywords: Concealed CarryGun ControlGun PolicyRight to Carry |
Author: Lott, John R., Jr. Title: Concealed Carry Permit Holders Across the United States: 2016 Summary: During President Obama's administration, the number of concealed handgun permits has soared to over 14.5 million - a 215% increase since 2007. Among the findings of our report: - The increase in the number of concealed handgun permits last year set another record, increasing by 1.73 million. That is slightly greater than previous record of 1.69 million set the last year. - 6.06% of the total adult population has a permit. - In ten states, more than 10% of adults have concealed handgun permits. Indiana has the highest rate - 15%. South Dakota is close behind with 14.7%. - Florida, Pennsylvania, and Texas each have over a million residents who are active permit holders. - In another 11 states, a permit is no longer required to carry in all or virtually all of the state. Thus the growth in permits does not provide a full picture of the overall increase in concealed carry. - Between 2012 and 2016, in states that provide data by gender, the number of women with permits has increased twice as quickly as the number of men with permits. - Some evidence suggests that permit-holding is increasing about 75% more quickly among minorities than among whites. - Between 2007 and 2015, murder rates fell from 5.6 to 4.7 (preliminary estimate) per 100,000. This represents a 16% drop. Overall violent crime fell by 18 percent. Meanwhile, the percentage of adults with permits has soared by 190%. Details: s.l.: Crime Prevention Research Center, 2016. 41p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 21, 2017 at; https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2814691 Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2814691 Shelf Number: 144542 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed HandgunsGun PermitsGun PolicyGun-Related Violence |
Author: Steidley, Trent Title: Movement, Malefactions, and Munitions: Determinants and Effects of Concealed Carry Laws in the United States Summary: Concealed Carry Weapons (CCW) laws regulate the issuing of licenses for legal concealed firearm carrying in a state. In 1980, only four states had "shall-issue" CCW laws which broadly allowed people to receive CCW licenses, but by 2010 thirty-eight states had "shall-issue" laws. While scholars have debated the efficacy of CCW laws to reduce violent crime rates, little attention has been given to why these laws become prolific. At the same time, few have explored how CCW laws matter for outcomes other than violent crime. Using original legal research on CCW laws in all fifty states this dissertation explores both the political and criminological determinates of CCW laws and how these laws have affected handgun demand over time. In the first part of this dissertation, I draw on social movement theories to explore the political and social movement determinants of CCW laws and advance knowledge about how social movements can create policy change. Social movement organizations (SMOs) often target policies to influence changes in society. But policy changes may actually be the result of public opinion, political opportunities or other factors; creating a spurious relationship between SMO activity and such outcomes. Interestingly, the power of the National Rifle Association (NRA) is often assumed but seldom tested. Using the case of CCW laws this dissertation assesses NRA influence on state-level firearm policy outcomes. Using event-history analyses I find the NRA does influence CCW laws, but its effect is mediated by public opinion, political ideologies, competitive elections, and political opportunities The second part of this dissertation draws on criminological theories to explore how CCW laws are a potential state response to crime rather than an effort to prevent or control crime. Previous research on firearm policies suggests that states regularly implement policies that restrict gun rights in order to provide better collective security for citizens. However, CCW laws represent a departure from collective security as they endorse qualified citizens to carry firearms and use lethal force on their volition to prevent crime. Drawing on Garland's (2001) arguments for "the new criminologies of everyday life," I argue that CCW laws are a state effort to regulate firearm carrying as a form of self-help for crime protection that is still regulated by the states. Following that argument, I anticipate that states with higher crime rates and lower capacities for law enforcement should be more likely to enact CCW laws. Results from event-history analyses indicate support for this argument. In the third part of this dissertation, I explore how CCW laws have impacted handgun demand at the state-level from 1999 to 2013. Using the number background checks conducted pursuant to a handgun sale as a proxy for handgun demand, I conduct interrupted time-series analyses using CCW law changes in Colorado, Kansas, Minnesota, Missouri, New Mexico, Ohio, and Wisconsin. Results indicate downward trajectories of handgun demand are reversed once a CCW law is adopted. While CCW laws increase handgun demand over time in every state except Minnesota, the immediate effect on handgun demand is more mixed. Some states experience a spike in handgun demand immediately after a law is adopted, but others do not. The final chapter the dissertation offers concluding remarks regarding research on gun laws in the United States and how these studies contribute to that literature Details: Columbus, OH: Ohio State University, 2016. 203p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed March 27, 2018 at: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/!etd.send_file?accession=osu1466007307&disposition=inline Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/!etd.send_file?accession=osu1466007307&disposition=inline Shelf Number: 149581 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed HandgunsGun PermitsGun PolicyGun-Related Violence |
Author: Fields, Shawn E. Title: Stop and Frisk in a Concealed Carry World Summary: This Article confronts the growing tension between increasingly permissive concealed carry firearms legislation and police authority to conduct investigative stops and protective frisks under Terry v. Ohio. For decades, courts upheld stops based on nothing more than an officer's observation of public gun possession, on the assumption that anyone carrying a gun in public was doing so unlawfully. That assumption requires reexamination. All fifty states and the District of Columbia authorize their citizens to carry concealed weapons in public, and forty-two states impose little or no conditions on the exercise of this privilege. As a result, officers and courts can no longer reasonably assume that "public gun possession" equals "criminal activity." Courts and scholars have begun addressing discrete aspects of this dilemma, and this Article makes four contributions to the existing literature. First, it corrects the oft-repeated misconception that the Supreme Court's recent Second Amendment jurisprudence has altered the Fourth Amendment's reasonable suspicion standard. Second, it articulates the need for a "gun possession plus" reasonable suspicion standard to initiate a Terry stop for a suspected firearms violation. Third, it defends the right of officers to conduct automatic frisks of suspects after a lawfully-initiated stop when firearms are present, in recognition of the inherent and unique dangerousness of these weapons. Fourth, it justifies this adaptation of "reasonable suspicion" with reference to traditional risk-assessment tort principles, including the Hand Formula. In doing so, the Article seeks a balanced and defensible approach to assessing law enforcement interactions with lawfully-armed civilians in the age of concealed carry. Details: San Diego: University of San Diego, School of law, 2018. Source: Internet Resource: Research Paper No. 18-339: Accessed May 8, 2018 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3156692 Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3156692 Shelf Number: 150102 Keywords: Concealed CarryConcealed HandgunsFourth AmendmentGun PermitsGun PolicyStop and Frisk |
Author: Doran, Selina Evelyn Margaret Title: News media constructions and policy implications of school shootings in the United States Summary: This thesis focuses on 'school shootings' in the United States. Examined here are the news media constructions and public reactions to such incidents, as they pertain to scholarly conceptualisations of fear, moral panics and vulnerability; as well policy responses relating to emergency management in educational institutions and gun-related legislative proposals and actions. Current literature in the field defines 'school shootings' as a particular type of 'spree' or 'mass' killing, involving the murder or attempted murder of students and staff at an education institution. This phenomenon is most prolific in the United States. Two case studies were selected from a list of possible incidents based on their high profile news media coverage, policy impact and infamous natures. The examples used are the school shootings at Columbine High School, Colorado (1999) and Virginia Polytechnic University, Virginia (2007); although the developments provoked by the 2012 Sandy Hook Elementary School, Connecticut shooting are noted throughout. The objectives of the research are: exploring the effect of my two case studies on reshaping or entrenching current moral panic and fear debates; whether the two shootings have transformed emergency management and communication practices; the role that fear plays in the concealed carry on campus movement which arose after the Virginia Tech incident; surmising about which gun-related legislative actions are possible in future. Employed here is a theoretical framework pertaining to moral panics, fear of crime risk management, and framing of news media and policy. My methodological approach was qualitative in nature. A total of 14 interviews were conducted with experts in gun violence prevention, and emergency management and communication. Ethnographic research was carried out in the form of participant observations at a school safety symposium and a gun reform activism event. Content and critical discourse analyses were employed to assess 728 news media articles, 286 letters to the editor, comments from 32 YouTube videos, 14 policy documents and 10 public opinion polls. My original contribution to knowledge is the examination of policies that have not received much scholarly attention to date: emergency management plans, training, operation and communications to deal with the possibility of a school shooting incident occurring; the 'concealed carry on campus' movement, where students lobby to carry firearms in higher education institutions as a way to negate potential threats. Relatively uncharted territory in fear of crime research was embarked upon with an examination of YouTube comments relating to: concerns about attending school; insecurities about the ability of law enforcement to offer protection in a school shooting scenario. To offer a predictive angle to the research, the current public sentiments, framing strategies being utilised by interest groups, and Supreme Court rulings shaping the future of gun reform were debated. Further avenues for school shooting research are provided. Details: Glasgow: University of Glasgow, 2014. 295p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed May 10, 2018 at: http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5298/1/2014doranphd.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5298/1/2014doranphd.pdf Shelf Number: 150145 Keywords: Concealed CarryGun ViolenceGun-Related ViolenceMass MediaMass ShootingsSchool SecuritySchool Shootings |
Author: Lott, John R., Jr. Title: Schools that Allow Teachers to Carry Guns are Extremely Safe: Data on the Rate of Shootings and Accidents in Schools that allow Teachers to Carry Summary: After the Columbine school shooting 20 years ago, one of the more significant changes in how we protect students has been the advance of legislation that allows teachers to carry guns at schools. There are two obvious questions: Does letting teachers carry create dangers? Might they deter attackers? Twenty states currently allow teachers and staff to carry guns to varying degrees on school property, so we don’t need to guess how the policy would work. There has yet to be a single case of someone being wounded or killed from a shooting, let alone a mass public shooting, between 6 AM and midnight at a school that lets teachers carry guns. Fears of teachers carrying guns in terms of such problems as students obtaining teachers guns have not occurred at all, and there was only one accidental discharge outside of school hours with no one was really harmed. While there have not been any problems at schools with armed teachers, the number of people killed at other schools has increased significantly - doubling between 2001 and 2008 versus 2009 and 2018. Details: Crime Prevention Research Center, 2019. 37p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 7, 2019 at: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3377801 Year: 2019 Country: United States URL: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3377801 Shelf Number: 156317 Keywords: Concealed CarryGuns in Schools Mass Shootings School Safety School Security School Shootings School Violence |